The Ten Best (And, Sigh, The Ten Worst) Legislators
THE ANCIENT GREEKS BELIEVED THAT politics was the art of organizing and governing human society for the greatest good, and considered it to be among the highest callings of man. Since that time, politics has sunk somewhat in public esteem. Some cynics claim that there are two things one should not watch being made: hot dogs and the laws of the land.
We watched the laws of our state being made during the 63rd session of the Texas legislature; and while the legislators could hardly pass for ancient Greeks, they were much more noble than those of us who automatically write off politics and politicians would like to think.
Teddy Roosevelt once said that good men must enter politics or else be governed by those who do. This session of the legislature provided a cast of characters that included some noteworthy good men and some of the other kind. There were honest and dishonest men, conscientious workers and utter charlatans, plodders and posturers, scoundrels and statesmen. In short, the legislature was a lot like us, like Texas. It was amazingly diverse and boringly predictable; grand and generous and mean and small.
The legislature is the best entertainment Texas has to offer. One can picture in the galleries the shirt-sleeved crowds fanning themselves in the unairconditioned heat of earlier Texas springtimes, images from an era when politics was entertainment. Before movies, radio, and television, politics was the only show in town. Texas politics is still a great crowd pleaser. It's the honorable this and the worthy that and will the gentleman yield and the whole ritual that organizes conflict into resolution while keeping it from getting, hopefully, too personal.
When it comes down to it, though, the business of governing Texas is a personal business. Politicians work with each other under intense pressure and through long hours; it's the sort of work that brings out the best and the worst in people.
To find the best and worst we took our pads and pencils and watched the legislature, watched it from the gallery and watched it in the committees where the key work is always done. We talked for a month with people who knew the politicians, who saw them under pressure: the press, the lobbyists, the staff, the academic scholars, and especially the members themselves, who often are the most discerning judges of the men and women who share their battles in the legislative pits. The sketches which follow represent a composite portrait of some of the people who write our laws, a portrait gleaned from the insights of those who work with them every day.
The sheer size of the Texas House of Representatives (150 members) and its tendency to herd-like behavior reduce the opportunities for individual members to display their best qualities (although the opposite is not true: the worst members are painfully obvious). The Senate, because of its intimate size (31 members) and calm, parliamentary atmosphere, offers a better setting for each member to exhibit his potential.
In addition to the Ten Best Legislators, several members deserve an Honorable Mention award. The Senate is particularly well-stocked with contenders. Bob Gammage, 35, a freshman liberal Democrat from Houston, carried one of the largest legislative programs in the Senate (including a number of controversial measures like portions of the Speaker's reform package, consumer protection, and the eighteen-year-old rights bill), fought for it in the rough-and-tumble tradition of Babe Schwartz, and got much of it passed. Tati Santiesteban, 38, a liberal Democrat from El Paso who served three terms in the House, showed exceptional ability in floor debate as the sponsor of the complex Penal Code and (with Jim Wallace) the Senate drug legislation; he quickly acquired the admiration and confidence of senior members to a degree rarely accorded to newcomers. Jack Hightower, 46, a conservative Democrat from Vernon and an old-line member of the Senate establishment, performed his duties as chairman of the Administration Committee with rock-solid fairness; he continues to be among the most trusted and respected Senators, in spite of the defeat this session of the major item in his legislative program—the oil field unitization bill. Oscar Mauzy, 46, a liberal Democrat from Dallas, was a tireless work-horse with a huge legislative program and a high degree of effectiveness. Chet Brooks, 37, a liberal Democrat from Pasadena, came into his own this session, particularly in the area of appropriations.
In the House, Fred Agnich, 59, leader of the Republican delegation from Dallas, helped to make his party a credible force in the legislature for the first time in a century and lent strong support to environmental legislation. Walt Parker, 55, a conservative Democrat from Denton, won wide admiration from his fellow members by dint of his hard work on appropriation matters; his effective presentation of welfare appropriations was a notable example of his ability to understand and deal convincingly with complex new problems. Carl Parker, 38, a liberal Democrat from Port Arthur, showed considerable poise and forcefulness as one of Price Daniel, Jr.'s chief lieutenants. Dave Finney, a conservative Democrat from Fort Worth, gained in stature and articulated a thoroughly urban-oriented point of view on such issues as redistricting, drug law reform, and school finance. Robert Maloney, 40, a freshman Dallas Republican, was probably the new member most respected by the lawyers in the legislature; a former prosecutor with a razor-sharp intelligence and enormous presence in floor debate, he has a bright future. Gene Jones, 28, a liberal Democrat from Houston, and Buddy Temple, 31, a moderate Democrat from Diboll, were alert, effective, and usually capable freshmen whose careers seem only beginning.
Billy Williamson, 45, a conservative Democrat from Tyler, took purposefully preposterous stands on most public issues but served an indispensable function by adding an ingredient of good humor to debates; his quick wit was displayed throughout the session, but to best advantage on the final night, when the important school finance bill dead-locked on a 70-70 tie vote. Speaker Price Daniel, Jr. did not cast his potential tie-breaking vote immediately but retired to his office for 20 minutes to confer with his lieutenants. When he returned he declined to vote, thus gavelling the bill dead. Williamson broke the tension by stepping to the microphone and asking, "Mr. Speaker, were you able to get the Supreme Court on the telephone?"
THE TEN BEST
Six Representatives and four Senators are among the Ten Best Legislators. They are discussed in alphabetical order. Speaker Daniel (who proved that it was possible for the House to function democratically) was excluded from consideration because the presiding officer's role is fundamentally different from that of an ordinary member's and cannot be judged on the same terms.
Neil Caldwell, 43, Liberal Democrat, Alvin. Probably the all-around best member of the legislature, on every list of "The Ten Best."
Acquired power for the first time this year, replacing Bill Heatly as chairman of the all-important Appropriations Committee; conducted himself brilliantly and produced one of the best appropriations bills in years.
An extremely smart, savvy politician who is thoroughly trustworthy. Treats public office with the outtmost seriousness without being sanctimonious about it. Realized early in his career that a sense of humor could do more than anything else to preserve his effectiveness without forcing him to sacrifice his principles; has honed the art to perfection. (A few days after Fred Agnich, last session's leading Republican member of the "Dirty 30," had successfully gutted the financial disclosure bill, he was defending his conservation-oriented endangered species bill on the floor of the House. Caldwell offered a tongue-in-cheek amendment adding "Republican Reformers" to the list of creatures threatened with extinction.)
One of the most versatile men ever to sit in the Texas legislature—an accomplished musician, cartoonist, sculptor, and motorcyclist.
DeWitt Hale, 56, Moderate Democrat, Corpus Christi. Old-line, establishment House member who in some ways is himself the House establishment, having seen numerous speakers come and go during his 11 terms. Could have let his ambitions carry him up and out of the House as most capable young members do; instead, has stayed around year after year and devoted his energies to building the House as an institution.
Has had a significant impact on the public policy of the state, mostly for the good. With his grandfatherly manner and hard work, has influenced the House rules more than any other member. An expert parliamentarian.
Questionable record on some smaller and middle-sized issues (e.g., loan sharks, homebuilders), but has a good grasp of what the really important issues are and what he should do about them. Gets there without a trace of idealism in his makeup, however.
Carried the judicial reform package in the House this session; ran afoul of the traditional House reluctance to interfere with established interests, in this instance the court bureaucracy, and lost badly. Nevertheless continues to be one of the formidable forces in the legislature.
Ray Hutchison, 40, Republican, Dallas. Best of the Republicans, and a fine member by anyone's reckoning. Has won the respect of his colleagues to a degree achieved by few legislators, and by almost no freshmen. Phenomenally effective for a first-termer: almost any time he offers an amendment on the floor, he gets it on.
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