Power
The old establishment is buried or busted. Here’s who is deciding the fate of Texas now—plus, the runners-up, the comers, the wannabees, and the right man to call in Amarillo.
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Women do have power, but it’s organizational rather than financial. The Republican women’s clubs, a phenomenon that is as social as it is political, have changed Texas politics by producing straight-ticket GOP voters in numbers that offset lever-pullers among Democratic minorities. For the most part, however, women are achieving power through elected office rather than behind the scenes.
• Rita Clements, mansionwife, Austin. Understands politics, sits in on meetings, doesn’t hesitate to give advice. Goal of rehabilitating husband’s reputation may be beyond mortal reach.
• Carolyn Farb, Houston. Fabulous fundraiser for arts is turning talents to politics by raising money for Bob Dole.
• Eddie Bernice Johnson, state senator, Dallas. Built strong black organization in Dallas; well connected in statewide Democratic party circles. Headed for possible showdown with county commissioner John Wiley (and how!) Price for congressional seat in 1992.
• Beryl Milburn, housewife, Austin. UT regent until last January, former vice chairman of state GOP. High-water mark of power is behind her (by choice—regent reappointment was hers if she wanted it), but still an important figure in GOP circles.
• Rena Pederson, journalist, Dallas. Brought Dallas Morning News editorial page into twentieth century as its editor, with salutary effects on both newspaper and city.
• Petra Reyna, McAllen. Rising star in Mexican American Democrats (chairwoman for Lower Valley); also enjoys good relationship with Bentsens and other leading Anglo families who serve on board of her employer, Rio Grande cancer treatment center.
• Ann Richards, state treasurer, Austin. Assembling women into statewide constituency for likely 1990 governor’s race with organizations like the Foundation for Womens Resources and Leadership Texas; her support cuts across party and ideological lines.
• Nancy Speck, university administrator, Nacogdoches. Immediate past president of Texas Chamber of Commerce; on state economic policy commission. Linchpin in East Texas for mental health, economic development.
• Annette Strauss, mayor, Dallas. Power stems not only from position but also from ability to tap into potent Strauss network when she wants something done.
• Betty Turner, mayor, Corpus Christi. Outspent by campaign opponent Tony Bonilla but won with personal popularity that enables her to bring every faction in town into her coalition.
• Kathy Whitmire, mayor, Houston. Put an end to venerable tradition of insider trading at city hall, to the outrage of ol’-boy network. Refusal to play ball with old power structure has put self-imposed limitation on her power, but it’s no political liability: voting coalition of all the blacks, all the gays, and most of the women makes her invulnerable to electoral attack.
THE BRAIN TRUST
Respect is a source of power. So is knowledge. These are the stock-in-trade of the Brain Trust, a small group of issue-oriented people whom everyone wants on his side. Not surprisingly, the list has a heavy concentration in Austin.
• George Christian, public relations, Austin. Onetime press secretary to John Connally and Lyndon Johnson, now a consultant (and unpaid adviser to numerous politicians); knows more about Texas politics than anyone. Specialty is selling complicated issues (tort reform, obscure constitutional amendments) to public and newspaper editorial boards.
• Ernesto Cortés, social organizer, Austin. Leading spokesman for the poor and powerless; oversees a statewide network of community activist organizations, including San Antonio’s COPS (Communities Organized for Public Service), which he founded.
• W. A. Criswell, minister, Dallas. The voice of Baptist fundamentalism from his pulpit at First Baptist Church is still the most influential churchman in Texas.
• Zan Holmes, minister, Dallas. A former legislator who is the foremost spokesman for the city’s black community.
• Bobby Inman, high-tech businessman, Austin. Staunch advocate of upgrading higher education; founder of high-tech consortium MCC. Credibility with public is second only to Perot’s, earning him some votes for power lists, but has had trouble adjusting Washington-honed political skills to Texas.
• Molly Ivins, columnist, Austin. Mainstay of Texas liberalism whose witty view of politics in Dallas Times Herald carries punch with left-of-center constituency; quick to apply “smell test” to any pols, liberals included, who don’t measure up to her ethical standards.
• Barbara Jordan, professor, Austin. Thirteen years after her speech during Nixon impeachment proceedings her magic voice still carries immense moral authority.
• George Kozmetsky, professor, Austin. Founder of Teledyne Corporation and former UT business dean runs influential think tank (Institute for Creative Capitalism); ideas on public affairs have great weight in the business community.
• George Shipley, political consultant, Austin. A rarity in the hired-gun world—he can view the political world apart from his personal interests and gives advice accordingly.
MAVERICKS
They have power, but they’re not part of the power network. And in some cases, that’s to their credit.
• Ellen Garwood, philanthropist, Austin. Big contributor—to the contras.
• Joe Jamail, attorney, Houston. Bane of business community as most powerful plaintiff’s lawyer in the state; highly political; lavishes money on judicial candidates—especially those for Texas Supreme Court.
• William Wayne Justice, federal judge, Tyler. Not even Perot has had more impact on state government. For better or worse, his rulings have changed the way Texas approaches prison reform, school integration, bilingual education, and redistricting, among others.
• Bernard Rappoport, insurance CEO, Waco. Has been supporting liberal Democrats since the days when businessmen were ostracized for doing so.
• Harold Simmons, investor, Dallas. Low-profile billionaire whose interest in politics is recent. Actively raising money for GOP senators in ’88 races. On Mavericks list for now because he is more connected to ideological right than mainstream Republican donors like Ray Hunt and Bum Bright, but could move to “Comers” list in a hurry.
• Dean Singleton, publisher, Dallas. Anybody who owns the Dallas Times Herald and the Houston Post has to go on some list, and this is the only one that seems right.
• Oscar Wyatt, oilman, Houston. Too controversial for too long to have real power, but he has enough to avoid being messed with.
IF YOU HAD ONE CALL TO MAKE
Power in Texas has traditionally flowed from Houston and Dallas. Everywhere else, even San Antonio, could be handled by making a single phone call. The recipient was likely to be a banker or a lawyer for the town’s leading families; occasionally it was a wily businessman who loved politics. The local contact raised money and delivered votes for the establishment’s statewide candidates and for his own handpicked local candidates.
These operatives have been slower to yield power than the establishment figures in Houston and Dallas. Gradually, however, the bankers have given way to holding-company executives who don’t care about local politics, and the leading families have been leading for so long that they no longer feel the need—or have the fire—to maintain absolute control. As a result, there aren’t many one-phone-call towns left. The person you want to reach today is less a power broker than a mover and shaker—someone who is first among equals.
Amarillo: Wales Madden, attorney and businessman. A former UT regent and high-ranking member of the conservative Democratic hierarchy, but his statewide power declined when the two-party system left the establishment without a political home. Now a Republican, still important regionally and at UT.
Abilene: Forget it. Abilene has a reputation for sitting on its wallet when it comes to politics. Consequently, it’s not plugged into the power circuit.
Alice: Lucien Flournoy, oilman and drilling contractor. Former mayor, foremost Anglo power in the brush country.
Austin: 926-1221. That’ll get you Southwest Airlines for the next plane out of town. Austin has more factions and operatives than Lebanon, none with more than extremely localized power.
Beaumont: Hubert Oxford, attorney. Good fundraiser, former Lamar University regent.
Big Spring: Johnnie Lou Avery, management consultant. Adroit businesswoman with lots of political savvy, also a columnist for local paper; known from Midland and Odessa to Lubbock.
Brownwood: Beer distributor Stuart Coleman leads remnants of Brownwood Mafia, so named in the late sixties when local boy Ben Barnes was making good as lieutenant governor.
Bryan: During the years of conservative Democratic hegemony, banker Calvin Guest was the man to call. But Phil Gramm moved Bryan into the Republican column, and Guest’s clout, while still substantial, is far below its high-water mark. Banker Bookman Peters is at least his equal.
Corpus Christi: Hayden Head was the establishment’s man in Corpus Christi. When he died in a plane crash this year, there was no clear successor. Leading contender: beer distributor Barry Andrews, a head protégé.
Duval County: Oscar Carrillo, rancher. Some things never change.
El Paso: Travis Johnson, attorney. From the forties into the sixties, banker Sam Young was a true kingmaker. Johnson has held the top spot more through political acumen than through raw power. Key member of Bentsen team; one of the early stockholders of Southwest Airlines. Beats out four-term mayor Jonathan Rogers, former developer, and banker H. M. “Hal” Daugherty, new chairman of the higher education Coordinating Board.
Fort Worth: Dee Kelly, attorney. Some still put him in the top echelon of power in Texas. Clients include some of the state’s most powerful figures (Bass brothers, Midland oilman John Cox), but Kelly was more of an independent operator in the Connally era.
Galveston: Shrub Kempner, investor. Descendent of family that ran city hall for the first half of the century. Gets involved in only good-government issues like opposition to casino gambling, but understands Byzantine world of local politics better than anyone.
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